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Dear Ambassadors, it's really today.

Day full of breaks of course right now,

but I think it's good to mingle to see everybody that we haven't seen each other for quite some time.

We have been together for one year and what a year it has been.

The mandate started out promising unpredictability, but against all intuition, things are starting to feel more predictable,

if only because we have become used to the feeling that the earth is shifting beyond our feet.

Mr President, this morning, you have already heard from the two Presidents, with a 3rd weighing in tomorrow.

We all agree that the last months, and especially the last days,

have enabled us to make out the contours of change quite clearly.

Today's two preeminent global crises in the Middle East and in Russia's war aggression against Ukraine are directly related,

because they share a foundation, the erosion of international law.

This escalated when Russia, a permanent member of the UN Security Council,

invaded its neighbor with impunity. That did not go unnoticed.

Instead, it sent a signal around the world that there is no more accountability for one's actions.

The rulebook has been thrown out of the window.

Without restoring international law, together with accountability,

we are doomed to see repeated violations of the law, disruption and chaos.

We see this in the Middle East as we speak.

There's also no end in sight for Russia's full scale aggression in Ukraine.

China has been preparing the ground for decades to reimagine the world in its own image.

Conflicts in Africa, like in Sudan and DRC, show no sign of abating.

There is a fundamental reorientation across the Atlantic.

Cumulatively, these trends point to a new world order characterized by competition and coercive power politics,

featuring military powers which aim to establish and secure spheres of influence.

We can already see the weakening of existing international norms,

institutions and rules that we have built over 80 years.

How we respond to this moment says less about the new dispensation than it does about us.

Our degree of success depends on two things first,

we deliver on our priorities and that we rally international support,

and this is where you come in.

Starting with priorities, there are 3, and there is much to be proud of in terms of achievements.

First, Europe's defense, including our military, financial and political support to Ukraine. The reason is obvious. This is an existential question for us.

To date, the EU is Ukraine's number one supporter with EUR €195 billion since 2022,

and this does not include the EUR €90 billion loan support in the works.

Our work to take down Russia's shadow fleet and fight foreign interference and information manipulation in Moldova,

for example, are EAS success stories to be proud of.

The war has compelled us to turn our attention to the protection of Europe,

with some 40% of our CSDP staff and budget dedicated to our own continent.

Thanks to our CSDP missions, both civilian and military,

the EU is now the largest international presence on the ground in Ukraine.

As for the aggressor, it is clear that Russia is not winning,

its army is bogged down and its economy in steep decline. Demographically, Russia is imploding.

Indeed, the greatest threat Russia presents right now is that it gains more at the negotiation table and by cognitive warfare than it has achieved on the battlefield.

That is why,

just as important as having a seat at the table is knowing what to ask for when you are at the table.

Russia's maximalist demands cannot be met with a minimalist response. It's just common sense.

If Ukraine's military is to be limited in size, Russia should be too.

Where Russia has caused damage to Ukraine, Russia should pay.

No amnesty for war crimes or crimes of aggression. And return of the deported Ukrainian children.

This is under the assumption that Russia wants peace,

but the dark reality is that there are 0 indications that Russia wants to end the war.

Saturday's massive strikes on Ukraine, which again killed many civilians, make this abundantly clear.

On the contrary, everything we see points to the conclusion that Russia wants to expand the war,

so we are also rearming to strengthen Europe's ability to defend itself.

We do this bilaterally, but also together with our friends across the town over at NATO,

by developing a stronger European pillar in the alliance. Deterring war is cheaper than fighting it.

For this reason, I am also working together with the Member States and President von der Leyen on a new comprehensive approach to address all dimensions of European security,

from economy to preparedness, from technological autonomy to defense related issues.

Mr President, the 2nd priority is the stability of our neighborhood.

Enlargement has been described as the Union's most successful foreign policy,

extending the area of stability, peace and prosperity. It must remain merit based.

In the current context, we need to step up the pace. Enlargement is a geopolitical choice. It seems that our citizens understand this.

We see from Eurobarometer data that more citizens support enlargement than worry about uncontrolled migration,

for example.

But it is up to us to keep telling the enlargement story.

Mr President, Enlargement is the antidote to Russian imperialism and a sign that the most ambitious multilateral project in history,

the European Union, is here to stay.

In our southern neighborhood, there is just as much demand for Europe.

What happens in the Middle East and the Northern Africa, MENA does not stay in MENA.

There is a very public expectation that Europe is proactive here.

As of 10 days ago, we are in a totally new situation in the Middle East. Another war brings uncertainty and chaos.

Iran is responsible for decades of violence, and the fewer options Iran has to terrorize the region, the better.

Iran's military capabilities are limited, and the regime is weaker than it ever has been before.

But there is no clear trajectory of how this war will end.

Reports that Moscow and Tehran are working together to target US troops should come as no surprise.

Ukraine, on the other hand, is offering help to defend our partners in the Gulf.

That alone should tell you who your friends are. The EU is also taking action. We have activated our civil protection mechanism.

Just this morning,

2 flights fully financed by the EU evacuated citizens from the region. We are providing consular assistance.

Our naval operations aspires and Atalanta have provided protection to the ships in the region.

In response to the need for drone interceptors,

we are preparing a new initiative to become a matchmaker between Ukraine's industrial outputs and the military needs of the countries in the Middle East.

This is what we call solidarity in action.

The Middle East stands to lose greatly from any drawn out war,

so do we in Europe, and so does the world.

That is why the European Union continues to call on all involved to exercise maximum restraint,

protect civilians and defend and respect international law.

What we do know for certain is that peace is our clear priority.

In Gaza, for example, thanks partly to our civilian missions, the EU is ready to provide practical help.

Our 3rd priority is partnering in ensuring Europe's economic growth.

Economic strength is the basis for strong foreign policy.

This is what will always set us apart from the others.

We have friends and we stick by them.

We have just vastly expanded our free trade area in the world by virtue of agreements with Mercosur and India taking in close to 2 billion consumers.

76 countries around the world are already covered by EU trade agreements,

with upcoming deals for Mexico soon, hopefully for Australia and others.

Partnerships are especially important today for Europe's endurance as a global force for good.

The more we can rally others behind, working collectively to address collective challenges,

the greater chance we have to overcome the forces seeking to bend the world at their will.

Our offer to our partners is far broader today than it has ever been before.

In the security sphere, we have a long standing strategic partnership with NATO.

We also have bilateral agreements, including 9 security and defense partnerships with countries in Europe, Asia, and North America,

and later this week,

I will sign the 10th with Australia and subsequent ones with Iceland and Ghana in the coming days.

There are many interested countries knocking at our door.

A growing number of countries around the globe are seeking to diversify their partnerships to manage the heightened risk.

Like us, they seek stability and collective action to address collective challenges.

Like us, they have learned that dependencies make us weak.

And give undue leverage to those who seek to carve the world into spheres of influence.

Like us, they understand that rules based international order is vital to avoid inevitable anarchy and suffering,

the world would come from this.

Dear colleagues While the international demands are clear and the European response is understood, the very act of defining priorities implies that in some areas,

functions and duties that we have worked in the past are less critical today.

We are facing challenges unprecedented in the history of the European Union.

This means we need to streamline our presence in the field towards greater relevance and to put our resources where they are most needed.

We will be present, but in some places with a lighter footprint.

This modernization of our EU delegation network will go into effect with this year's rotation. The same goes for headquarters.

As an organization,

we must become more agile and more flexible in how we deploy staff while being fully aware of the budgetary constraints.

What I do want you to do is circle it back to you, because when everything boils down,

you are still the greatest resource Europe has in the world today.

You are essential for Europe to achieve its priorities and grow its geopolitical reach.

So I want you to know how much I appreciate your work.

The EU ambassadors heading our delegations, you are on the front line.

You see the macro challenges I spoke of at country level,

under a microscope, in our relations with partners.

Many of you operate in fragile environments and some in the context of open conflict.

You see first hand how dangerous the world is becoming, and you deal with it on the spot.

Like you, I take my duty of care very seriously.

We stand ready to support and assist you, your staff and your families in difficult circumstances.

I'm thinking today especially about those of you turning in from countries in the MENA region and Ukraine,

as well as those who continue to serve the Union elsewhere in the midst of active armed conflict or extreme political pressure.

In the current context, not only has your work become more relevant, but it requires more diplomatic skill,

sophistication and savoir fare than it did just even a year ago.

In your work as flag bearers around the world, I want to draw your attention, and that of us here in headquarters,

to 7 principles, and these are important guidelines for all of us serving the Union, whether at home or abroad.

First, the name of our organization is the starting point, the European External Action Service,

so we must develop a bias for even stronger action.

We all need to be faster in our procedures and in coming up with fresh ideas. Second, we must think big.

I mean think globally to look for opportunities where the EU can act for the common good,

but also for the EU's good.

For instance, by the time my mandate ends,

there will be 400 million more digitally savvy young people in Africa, all looking to engage.

How can we harness this energy for a win-win?

Many of you already think big and can serve as an example to others.

Third, we must occupy the space diplomatically,

build coalitions with friends, but also not so like-minded partners.

Get out of our comfort zones, listen to the concerns of others.

This is currency for their taking our concerns into account.

An example from Latin America if we want others to hear our concerns on Ukraine,

we need to acknowledge the regional concerns Haiti represents.

This allows us then to reach out to countries when in need their help in New York,

Geneva, Vienna or Nairobi.

We have to always nurture those relationships on a day to day basis.

Fourth, we would all benefit from working more closely with colleagues.

The one delegation approach is part of how best to use all the EU resources we are stewards of.

So if you are posted to a country with other institutional members of the EU family,

like ECO colleagues or the EIB, embrace them as part of the team.

But I also mean your colleagues within the region meet up with regional gatherings,

draft joint reports, take a long, collective views, come up with joint prospects and proposals.

Mr President, I know this is well entrenched best practice among colleagues working in Europe and Central Asia, and 5th,

we need to communicate with verve, with style,

in a way that touches the hearts of your host country, nationals and officials alike.

Use our considerable soft power and tell the European story,

what the EU does for the country involve the Member States whenever possible.

Many of you already do this, and very well, I might add,

I know of the issue of the communications budget, and I am confident that progress has been made. We must promote what we do.

6 Let's not forget the strands of our DNA,

made up of human rights and international law.

You are not only our ears and eyes in the field, but also our hearts.

We need to speak out with confidence in support of our principles,

but with understanding, humility and also an offer of support.

I don't only mean the colleagues working in multilateral missions, but everyone around the globe.

7th, and finally, a special message for those of you serving in countries with the CSDP mission or operation.

It is personally important to me that our CSDP and delegation colleagues continue to work hand in hand.

Your functions differ, but the aim is the same to put our best foot forward for the country,

but also for the European Union.

Dear colleagues, Mr President, the first year is behind us and the coming year promises to be no easier.

There is a series of national elections coming up in many of our Member States.

The outcome of some of these might have an effect on our room for maneuver in external action.

We would be wise to keep this link in mind.

In addition, the next weeks will indicate where we are headed in the Middle East as well as Ukraine,

to say nothing of the upcoming midterm elections in the United States.

Then there are talks of our own multiannual financial framework,

where I hope we will keep the ambition for global Europe as it directly serves the European interests.

The growing list of challenges simply means that for maximum endurance, we need to stay nimble.

As the saying goes, when the going gets tough, the tough get going,

and I have complete faith in you to do this. Thank you.